The day Israel mourns the disappearance of a great man from its literature, Abraham Bet Yehoshua, the Israeli left, of which Yehoshua has always been a reference, reflects on his political suicide.
Cupio is dissolving
Very effective, in this sense, is a reflection of Nehemia Shtrosler
“It simply came to our notice then Haaretz – After defeating Benjamin Netanyahu and Likud, Ehud Barak became prime minister. Yes, there was a time when he did. At the end of that year, the Torah Judaism introduced a bill that brought family benefits to a madness of 850 shekels ($ 250 at current prices) per month per child, starting with the fifth child. The Likud announced that it would support the bill.
I then asked Likud MP Ruby Rivlin how someone who calls himself a Zionist could support a law that would encourage anti-Zionist Haredim, as well as Arabs and Bedouins, to have even larger families and live on government alms in place to work. Rivlin did not hesitate to reply: “It is true that it is a bad law, but without the Haredim we cannot form a government and I want to be in power.”
The same thing is happening now. Netanyahu and Likud vote with one goal: to bring down the government. Even if the issue fits in perfectly with their ideology, they will vote against it.
That is why they voted against the extension of emergency rules in the West Bank, without which life in the occupied territories will turn into chaos. Miri Regev expressed the Likud’s position as clearly as possible during the faction’s discussions on the law on the enrollment of former combat soldiers: “We have decided to overthrow the government, so I don’t want to hear about the belly when rape, abused women or soldiers. ”Yuval Steinitz went further: whatever. “
So, yes, the Likud is ready to burn the country back to power. But there is another side to the coin. Yes, if you want to replace the government, you have to oppose it in (almost) every situation and vote against (almost) all the laws it promotes. But when power is regained, the damage done is repaired and policies are put in place on the issues that really matter.
Unlike the Likud’s desire for power, left-wing politicians are suffering an unquenchable suicidal impulse. They love to criticize everything, even vote against the government they belong to. They feel more comfortable in the opposition, where they can criticize the whole world without taking any responsibility. We have seen time and time again how capable they are of destroying their own leaders, so what does it matter to destroy Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who is not even “one of ours.” What exactly does Ghaida Rinawie Zoabi of Meretz and Mazen Ghanaim think of the United Arab List? That the government of which they are a part, with a clear right-wing majority, will not try to maintain the status quo in the West Bank? How will it be possible to forge an alliance with an Arab party when all EU members abstain or vote against the extension of the emergency rules? Are they not at all concerned about the huge budget allocation that the Arab community has received or the commitment to reduce crime in the Arab community, which is actually succeeding? Do they expect more profits in a government where Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich are ministers and Benzi Gopstein and Baruch Marzel are prime ministers?
The same questions should be asked of Labor MPs Merav Michaeli and Nitzan Horowitz of Meretz, who never miss a chance to weaken the government, from opposing the budget to fighting reforms to reduce the cost of living. . Last week, members of both parties challenged coalition discipline and lost a vote on the minimum wage. Labor MP Naama Lazimi said the issue “burns her soul”. Michael Biton of Kahol Lavan announced Monday that he will no longer vote with the coalition. One wonders what they will say when the government falls and Avi Maoz and Shlomo Karhi lead Israel into messianic-nationalist-kahanist madness.
It’s been a year since the Bennett government was formed on Monday. The government has resolved the chaos left by Bibi and can boast of important achievements in economics, security, social issues and diplomacy. But instead of praising these results and voting unanimously in their favor, the left continues to throw stones at the government and weaken it. I could get a lesson from Rivlin on what power means, “Shtrosler concludes.
His bitter considerations recall equally bitter considerations of the great writer who died today, at the age of 85.
“In the current Israeli political reality, there is no political debate between opposing sides. The words left and right bounce on all sides empty of meaning, useful only as a weapon to soil opponents. The term “left”, in particular, is constantly used by right-wing activists, especially religious ones, as an automatic condemnation of those who do not support the Prime Minister. In the current Israeli political reality, however, there is no political debate between opposing sides. The words left and right bounce on all sides empty of meaning, useful only as a weapon to soil opponents. The term “left”, in particular, is constantly used by right-wing activists, especially religious ones, as an automatic condemnation of those who do not support the Prime Minister. To avoid the prospect of a trial, Netanyahu, a political leader, has become a sect that, through threats and flattery, curbs the opposition of its members as the political system bows to him to ensure possible immunity. elections have just been held, dispersing parliament and convening new electoral consultations within three months.
Not even the greatest and most experienced of us were prepared for this scenario of corruption and open political attack by the ruling parties in the rule of law to prevent the Prime Minister from going to jail. And all this with the support of a lively audience. Faced with this reality, we feel a sense of disgust and prostration. These are no longer different political positions or even biased nonsense told by the Prime Minister and his aides that follow one another at a relentless pace. This is a clear and flagrant violation of the values of solidarity that underpinned the Zionist promise to unite Jews of different backgrounds and levels in a democratic state.
In the 1970s, two Labor government ministers were suspected of bribery and committed suicide ashamed even before being tried. Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin resigned in 1977 because he was accused of maintaining a small bank account abroad, which was then banned from Israeli citizens. President Moshe Katsav was sentenced to seven years in prison by an Arab district judge for sexually assaulting his secretary. Prime Minister Ehud Olmert ended up in jail for receiving illicit funding for his election campaign. Until yesterday we could console ourselves with the fact that in the Israeli political swamp there were still principles of justice and equality. But now the Prime Minister is shamelessly stepping on the law to save his own skin and is leading the country on a new, tough and costly election campaign a few weeks after the previous one. Is it any wonder, then, that people like me, regardless of their political position, feel a sense of despair and paralysis? ”
These considerations are part of a long article by Abraham Bet Yehoshua, the great Israeli writer, published by The impression August 8, 2019. Thirty-four months later, things got even worse. And Yehoshua’s humiliation has become the great despair shared by that part of Israel that dreams of a left that does not exist. And that one of his greatest mentors is crying today.
And always in the thread of memory, I narrate an exciting confrontation of three, narrated by Elena Lowenthal in La Stampa., With David Grossman and Abraham Bet Yehoshua. The occasion was given by the 70th anniversary of the founding of the State of Israel. “I am afraid of the future. I am afraid of bigotry and violence. But I am happy to be a citizen of a state that has eight and a half million prophets, eight and a half million prime ministers, eight and a half million messiahs. We get angry, sometimes frustration and anger come, but not infrequently fascination and enthusiasm. This is one of the most interesting places in the world. “” For me, “says Yehoshua, most important of these seventy years is the legitimacy of the existence of the Jewish state both in the world context, including a part of the Arab and Islamic world, and within Judaism: today Israel exists because it must exist, because it is obvious that it exists. We have gained this legitimacy not only by force of arms, but also by the ability that this country has shown to absorb millions of refugees. Much remains to be done, many still deny their right to exist. But we are and we will be ”.
Two of the big three – Amos Oz and now Abraham Yehoshua – have disappeared. But his lesson continues thanks to his books that have given Israel brilliance and greatness to the world.
Finally, a personal memory. The writer has had the privilege of being able to get to know Yehoshua personally and to interview him many times over more than thirty years of associating with Israel. Always cordial, helpful, with a refined irony that combined with precise and often premonitory analysis. A civic commitment that has always accompanied his work as a novelist and professor at the University of Haifa, his hometown. The relationship with young people has always been their care. “It’s the best way to look to the future,” he told me at one of our meetings. A commitment that has never failed.